Remembering Brady Williamson

Brady Williamson, a remarkable person, has died at the age of 79. Brady's engagement with the field of bankruptcy law is diverse and of long standing, from arguing before the United States Supreme Court to chairing the National Bankruptcy Review Commission, where I first met and worked for him as a staff attorney. More recently, Brady had a range of professional roles in big bankruptcies, such as those involving the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Purdue Pharma, and in cases that implicated air and water quality.  

Brady also had tremendous expertise in foundational constitutional law matters and a commitment to democracy, the rule of law, and fair elections at home and around the world. He recently worked with students on such matters from coast to coast, after teaching with some regularity over the years at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. The challenges and joys of university teaching was a topic of what turned out to be our last telephone conversation.

Brady's impact during his lifetime was broad and deep; it will be enduring. Deepest condolences to his loved ones.  

 

L'État, c'est moi

L'État, c'est moi is what came into my mind when I read the Executive Order on Ensuring Accountability for All Agencies issued by the President today. The executive order is not only the most complete and direct enshrinement of the unitary executive theory we've yet seen from the administration, but it also marks the end of independent regulatory agencies. And coming from a President with a distinct taste for Louis XIV gilt, well, you can understand why my mind wandered to the lord of Versailles. 

Debanked by the Market

The crypto industry has been spreading a tale of federal bank regulators persecuting crypto and forcing banks to "debank" crypto companies. Like the grossly mischaracterized Operation Choke Point, the crypto debanking narrative is utter and self-serving bs. At best, the actual evidence shows the FDIC expressing very normal and reasonable risk management concerns—that is, the FDIC was just doing its job. There is zero evidence that the FDIC ever threatened or directed banks not to do business with crypto companies.

The simple truth is that crypto companies were debanked by the market, not regulators. Banking crypto poses a unique, correlated credit risk that should rightly concern any bank's risk committee. Crypto companies present a risk of correlated chargebacks that makes them all potential Fyre Festivals, so banks with prudent risk management practices determined that it was a value negative proposition to provide banking services to crypto companies. That's the invisible hand of the market at work, not the invisible hand of the Deep State.

Unintended Consequences of Standing Down the CFPB

The DOGE approach to "reforming" government agencies is a sledgehammer. That's because it doesn't have the knowledge or patience to use a scalpel. But there are real costs to using a sledgehammer in terms of unintended consequences that are going to blow up on all consumers, be they MAGA supporters, Democrats, or Whigs. Let me highlight just one.

The Dodd-Frank Act, enacted in response to the 2008 financial crisis, prohibits lenders from making mortgage loans without verifying the borrower's ability to repay. The CFPB has a regulatory safeharbor, however, known as the Qualified Mortgage Rule.  If a mortgage is a Qualified Mortgage, it is deemed to satisfy the ability-to-repay requirement. To be a Qualified Mortgage, a mortgage loan must have an interest rate that does not exceed the "Average Prime Offer Rate" by more than a specified level. Sounds go so far, right? Basically, if a mortgage isn't priced too much higher than the average mortgage rate, we're going to assume that it's not problematic.

But here's the catch:  the "Average Prime Offer Rate" is a number determined by the CFPB. It isn't self-executing. Instead, CFPB personnel need to collect and analyze data and then periodically publish the Average Prime Offer Rate. If CFPB personnel are not permitted to work, the Average Prime Offer Rate will not update. (You can thank the Trump 1.0 CFPB for adopting this methodology instead of a debt-to-income ratio...) In a falling interest rate environment, that won't matter much. But if rates rise, then the Average Prime Offer Rate will be stuck at too low of a level, so more mortgages will fall out of the Qualified Mortgage safe harbor, thereby exposing lenders to legal risk. What could cause rates to rise? Well, tariffs for one thing, particularly if the Fed is concerned about keeping inflation in check. Hmmmm.

No, The CFPB’s Not Dead. It’s Not Even Close to Dead.

A lot of coverage of the Trump-Musk takeover of the CFPB has been treated the matter as if the Trump-Musk blitz has destroyed the agency. It hasn’t. Not even close. The CFPB has been stood down for now, but it is fundamentally intact. It hasn't been "deleted."  

 

It is possible for a smart, determined, and patient administration to seriously unwind large parts of the regulatory state while playing be constitutional rules.  DOGE, however, lacks the knowledge, personnel, and time to actually accomplish this. You need a lot of lawyers who know how agencies work—both in terms of substantive law and in terms of federal government employment law. They don’t have that. All they have is a handful of under-25-year old engineers and a few non-specialist attorneys. These folks don’t know how to actually dismantle government agencies. That’s why DOGE has adopted the shock-and-awe approach to government that makes lots of headlines and can foul things up for a while and generally make life unpleasant, but it isn’t actually capable of making any lasting structural changes DOGE cannot kill off the CFPB. That’s because the CFPB requires two things to be effective:  its legal authorities and its personnel. Trump and Musk have not dismantled either.  

Russ Vought Breaks the Law on His First Day as CFPB Director

The CFPB's acting Director, Project 2025's Russell Vought notified the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Board that the CFPB would not be making its permitted annual draw on the Fed for funding this year. He also direct the CFPB to cease all examination and supervision activity. Both actions are illegal.

Non-Bankruptcy Law in Bankruptcy Courts

This past year's American Bankruptcy Law Journal symposium at the National Conference of Bankruptcy Judges' Annual Meeting addressed the role of bankruptcy law in the larger U.S. legal system. The ABLJ recently published the related academic papers from that symposium. You can find them on the front page of the ABLJ site now. One of which I was honored to write.

My contribution, The Periphery of Bankruptcy Law: The Importance of Non-Bankruptcy Issues in Consumer Bankruptcy Cases, focuses on the range of state law exemption issues, UCC security interest issues, and federal and state consumer protection legal issues that appear in consumer bankruptcy filings to highlight how bankruptcy courts are one of the leading venues where people's non-bankruptcy legal problems may be litigated. In the piece, I write about how attorneys, trustees, and judges can provide people with a legal process to deal with their financial problems that they find meets their beliefs about what the bankruptcy process will offer them. Doing so will benefit individual debtors and the bankruptcy system, as a whole. As Slipster Bob Lawless has calculated, one in eleven Americans will file bankruptcy at some point during their lives. The chapter 11 cases of large companies and some non-profits make headline news. The public's perception of the bankruptcy system matters to the legal system's integrity.

Shutting Down CFPB Is Not Like Shutting Down USAID

Elon Musk seems to have CFPB on his hit list after having trashed USAID. Here's the thing: shutting down CFPB is actually very different in effect than shutting down USAID. USAID provides an important set of tools for American diplomacy and funds a lot of good works around the world. But it is not a regulatory agency. It doesn't administer statutes and promulgate regulations. CFPB does. Shutting down USAID harms development aid recipients and diminishes the US's foreign relations toolkit, but it doesn't cause problems with the operation of US law. Shutting down CFPB does.

Shutting down the CFPB does not void the Consumer Financial Protection Act or the enumerated consumer laws the CFPB administers like the Truth in Lending Act and the Electronic Fund Transfer Act. Those authorities can only be changed by an act of Congress, which will require 60 votes in the Senate. Nor would a work shutdown void the regulations the Bureau has promulgated under those laws. Those can only be repealed through notice and comment rulemaking. But it does mean that there would be no one with authority to update and adjust those regulations, which can all be enforced by state attorneys general, who are likely to pick up some of the slack from a non-functioning CFPB. (Remember that a violation of an enumerated consumer law is a violation of the Consumer Financial Protection Act, triggering CFPA remedies, not just the enumerated consumer law's remedies.) 

This might not matter to Musk in his move fast and break things mode, but a non-functional CFPB is going to cause real problems for regulated financial institutions.  Let's start small:  the Truth in Lending Act has exemptions for smaller transactions. The exemptions get inflation adjusted, but that requires a functional CFPB to promulgate the adjustments through rulemakings. Or suppose a firm wants to get a no-action letter. That's not going to be possible without the CFPB functioning. Or suppose there is another pandemic-like crisis that requires temporary suspension of certain rules. Not possible if the agency isn't up and running. Bottom line: there are real problems that will arise from having a zombie agency responsible for over a dozen major federal laws.  

Feb. 8. 2025 update:  Both USAID and CFPB have statutory duties to Congress. Like USAID, the Bureau is required to submit various annual or semi-annual reports to various Congressional committees (see e.g. or here or here or here or the last section here). These reports are a critical part of Congressional oversight over the Bureau. A Bureau that isn't operating can't exactly do that, which might be grounds for members of Congress to bring litigation against the administration. Whether a report that simply says "We didn't do anything because we didn't feel like it, nyah, nyah," makes muster is an open question—is there a good faith requirement implied? I could see courts saying, "It's up to Congress to discipline an insubordinate agency or a President who fails to take care that the laws are faithfully executed." But the reporting requirement might give members of Congress a hook for litigation over deactivating the agencies based on a concern that the agency will not report and that it will be impossible for Congress to undertake timely action. After all, there is a new Congress every two years, basically pressing a restart button, such that failure to transmit an annual report for 2025 would not even be on Congress's radar until 2026 and Congress might not have time to act before a new Congress is in place. Put another way, courts might need to take judicial notice of Congress's limited temporal bandwidth for governing a federal government that is vastly more complex than anything the Framers imagined.

 

Hal Scott's Call for a Presidential Ukase on the CFPB

Hal Scott is at it again, calling for President Trump to shut down the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau by executive order. Scott's logic here is that (according to him) the CFPB has not had a legal basis for its funding in recent years, so the President would simply be "tak[ing] care that the laws be faithfully executed" by standing down the agency's activities for lack of proper funding, even if the agency would still continue to exists on paper. 

If Scott's first argument about the CFPB's funding was farcical, this one is a downright dangerous argument for upending the balance of the constitutional system by giving the President the unilateral power to arbitrarily decide what parts of government operations are legal.

Musk and Treasury's Payment Systems (He Punched the Bursar...)

Updated Feb. 6, 2025:  Elon Musk and his DOGE team are seeking (and apparently gaining) access to Treasury’s computer systems for managing payments.  Unfortunately, a lot of the media coverage has done a poor job of explaining the particular concerns, in part because there isn't very good understanding of exactly what Treasury does. Let met try to add some clarity here, recognizing that there's still a lot we don't know about what is motivating Musk.